Home Blog Page 261

Kindred souls: West African blues meet Greek rebetiko

By Con Pagonis OAM

Stani Goma and Con Kalamaras – two champions of Melbourne’s vibrant multicultural music scene – are working on a project to bring West African and Greek roots music together in the one performance this November.

Stani Goma is the vibrant host and mastermind behind ‘Flight 1067 to Africa’ on Melbourne Community Radio PBS 106.7FM. He pilots listeners on a mesmerising journey through the heart and soul of African music every Sunday from 3:00 to 5:00 pm. With an eclectic blend of rhythms and melodies from across the continent, Stani’s program is a sonic passport to the diverse soundscape of Africa.

Hailing from the Congo, Stani’s roots are in Brazzaville, just a stone’s throw from the pulsating beat of Kinshasa. It is the epicentre of African dance music, and has shaped his musical DNA from an early age. Immersed in this rich musical tapestry, Stani’s passion for African rhythm was ignited, becoming an inseparable part of his identity.

Stani Goma
Stani Goma.

His profound knowledge and infectious enthusiasm have made him a cherished presence on the airwaves, earning him respect and admiration from audiences far and wide.

Throughout his illustrious career, Stani has had the privilege of conversing with legendary figures of African music, including the likes of Salif Keita, Youssou Ndour, Angelique Kidjo, Baba Maal, and Femi Kuti. Beyond the studio, he has lent his magnetic presence as the master of ceremonies at numerous prestigious music and community events, further cementing his status as a cultural ambassador.

Con Kalamaras is a Melbourne-based musician, events producer, and composer with a strong connection to Greek music, particularly the traditional genre of Rebetiko. His deep passion for this style has led him to produce and curate music events and festivals across Australia, Europe, the UK, and Japan. He is also an accomplished composer for film and regularly performs in various musical ensembles in Melbourne.

Con Kalamaras
Con Kalamaras.

He co-founded and served as the Artistic Director of the Melbourne Rebetiko Festival from 2016 to 2019 and is currently the Co-Director of Greek Fringe, an initiative that promotes contemporary and traditional Greek culture. In addition, he runs the Melbourne Rebetiko Jam, a weekly gathering that invites musicians from diverse backgrounds to explore and share Rebetiko music.

Rebetiko is a genre of Greek urban folk music that emerged in the early 20th century, primarily among the working-class communities in cities like Athens, Piraeus, and Thessaloniki. Often referred to as the “Greek blues”, it expresses themes of hardship, exile, love, loss, and resilience.

The music was heavily influenced by refugees from Asia Minor, particularly after the population exchange between Greece and Turkey in 1923, blending elements of Greek, Turkish, and Middle Eastern musical traditions.

Rebetiko typically features instruments such as the bouzouki, baglama, guitar, accordion, and violin, and is known for its raw, emotive style and expressive lyrics.

Initially associated with marginalised groups, rebetiko has since become a celebrated part of Greece’s cultural heritage and is recognised for its historical and artistic value.

The streets of Bamako to the ports of Piraeus

Bamako is the capital and largest city of Mali. Piraeus is the major port in Greece, near Athens. Many of the people displaced from Asia Minor in 1923 settled here, very-much as an underclass.

Many African American blues aficionados will have been introduced to the West African roots of this music through Martin Scorsese’s 2003 documentary film collection ‘The Blues’. Scorsese directs the first in this series of seven films by seven different directors, each approaching the development of the blues from a different perspective.  

Scorsese’s first episode – ‘Feel Like Going Home’ – follows musician Corey Harris as he interviews fellow musicians and goes in search of the birthplace of the Blues, travelling through the Mississippi Delta and beyond to West Africa from where the music was first brought to America on slave ships. In the film, Corey Harris travels to Mali in West Africa to uncover the spiritual home of the music. He meets musicians and compares the folk music of this region to his own, discovering many similarities and parallels.

Stani and Con’s cross-cultural music project will take the audience on a journey from the streets of Bamako to the ports of Piraeus. They will bring together a West African blues band – Mande Blues Ensemble – and the Estudiantina of Melbourne rebetiko ensemble to explore musical commonalities.

Mande Blues Ensemble is a captivating meeting of tradition and innovation. They bring the rich musical heritage of West Africa into dialogue with the deep, resonant tones of the blues. Led by acclaimed musicians Aboubacar Djelike Kouyate (Kamalengoni, guitar and percussion) and Amadou Suso (Kora), they explore the shared roots of these traditions, tracing a musical lineage that spans centuries and continents. Hailing from esteemed griot families of Mali and Gambia, Kouyate and Suso are master storytellers and instrumentalists, weaving intricate melodies and hypnotic rhythms into an evocative soundscape. Their music carries the warmth of oral tradition while embracing contemporary influences, offering an experience that is both deeply authentic and refreshingly modern.

The Mande Spirit
The Mande Spirit.

Estudiantina of Melbourne is a vibrant and dedicated musical ensemble founded in January 2024, committed to preserving and reinterpreting traditional Greek music—particularly the rich and evocative genres of Smyrneika and Rebetiko. The name “Estudiantina”, meaning “students”, reflects the ensemble’s ethos of continual learning, cultural curiosity, and musical exploration.

Breathing new life into Greek rebetiko music, often called the ‘outlaw blues’ of Greece, Estudiantina of Melbourne blends the lively tones of the bouzouki with influences from Greek, Turkish, Jewish, and Armenian musical traditions. With a masterful combination of instruments, their performances resonate with spellbinding innovation and timeless allure. 

Estudiantina of Melbourne (2)
Estudiantina of Melbourne.

Smyrneika music originates from the cosmopolitan city of Smyrna (modern-day Izmir), renowned for its unique synthesis of Greek, Turkish, Jewish, and Armenian influences. Characterised by its melodic richness and emotional depth, Smyrneika captures the multicultural spirit of Asia Minor. Rebetiko, often referred to as the “Greek blues”, emerged in the early 20th century from Greece’s urban working-class communities. With themes of exile, longing, love, and resilience, Rebetiko offers a poignant and deeply expressive musical experience.

Estudiantina of Melbourne employs an array of traditional instruments—including the oud, bouzouki, violin, qanun, accordion, and guitar—to produce a soundscape that is at once authentic and contemporary. Through this blend of tradition and innovation, the group creates performances that are both historically grounded and emotionally resonant.

In March 2025, the ensemble launched its debut album, ‘Journey to Rebetika’, to a sold-out audience at the Brunswick Ballroom. This landmark performance not only introduced their distinctive sound to a wider audience but also demonstrated their passion for the living tradition of Greek music in the diaspora context.

Estudiantina of Melbourne.
Estudiantina of Melbourne.

The ensemble features a group of talented musicians from diverse backgrounds: Maria Antaras-Dalamagas (Accordion / Vocals), Vagelis Ginis (Vocals), Camille El Feghali (Qanun), Jenny Dixon (Violin), Alex Petropoulos (Guitar), Paul Karalis (Bouzouki) and Con Kalamaras (Bouzouki / Vocals).

Based in the culturally rich city of Melbourne—home to one of the largest Greek populations outside of Greece—Estudiantina of Melbourne draws upon a vibrant community heritage. In this thriving cultural setting, the resonance of Rebetiko and Smyrneika is both historical and contemporary, offering a meaningful connection to the lived experiences of the Greek diaspora.

For Estudiantina of Melbourne, music is far more than performance—it is a cultural bridge that unites generations, communities, and histories. Their work enables audiences to reconnect with ancestral roots, share intergenerational stories, and celebrate a collective identity. Through the interplay of instruments such as the bouzouki, baglama, and accordion, the ensemble honours the deep musical traditions of Greece, while offering a fresh and dynamic interpretation for modern audiences.

Kindred souls

From the streets of Bamako to the ports of Piraeus, music has long been a powerful voice for the marginalised. This performance unites the rich musical heritage of West African blues and the defiant spirit of Greek rebetiko, forging a compelling connection between two traditions deeply rooted in resilience, longing, and liberation.

Amadou Suso
Amadou Suso.

Mande Blues Ensemble and Estudiantina of Melbourne create a poignant musical conversation, where shared themes of hardship and triumph unite across cultures. This performance will celebrate the enduring power of music to transcend boundaries, a tribute to the strength and spirit that connects us all.

These two ensembles will come together for a one-hour performance – ‘Streets of Bamako to the ports of Piraeus’ – at the Melbourne Recital Centre’s Primrose Potter Salon on the evening of 29 November 2025.

What the 2025 Armenia-Azerbaijan peace deal and recognition of Palestine mean for Cyprus

By Dean Kalimniou

The Trump brokered peace deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan in August 2025 is, at its core, a parable about the reconfiguration of global power in an age where strategic interests are measured in transit corridors, energy pipelines, and exclusive development rights rather than in the painstaking pursuit of justice.

Signed beneath the chandeliers of the White House’s East Room, the accord inaugurated a new strategic passage through southern Armenia, the so-called Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity. This corridor, cutting through the historical Zangezur region, will link Azerbaijan with its distant exclave of Nakhchivan while maintaining a nominal Armenian sovereignty over the territory it traverses. In return, the United States acquired exclusive development rights for the corridor for a term of ninety-nine years, securing not merely a transport artery but more substantially, a permanent foothold in the South Caucasus at the expense of Russia’s long-standing primacy there.

The terms of the agreement, on their surface couched in the language of reconciliation and mutual respect for territorial integrity, carefully skirted the central wound of the Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict: the fate of Artsakh. The omission was not accidental. The real priorities lay elsewhere; in consolidating transit routes that serve the interests of multiple great powers, in redrawing the architecture of regional connectivity, and in staging a performance of statesmanship for an international audience eager for quick, marketable resolutions.

This is not the first time such a template has been applied in modern diplomacy. Its logic is echoed in the recent cascade of recognitions of Palestinian statehood, a cause to which Cyprus has long been committed, having formally recognised Palestine in 1988 and consistently advocating for a two-state solution within the parameters of international law.

At first glance, such recognitions might appear to affirm the principle that longstanding injustices cannot be ignored indefinitely. Yet the juxtaposition of these events is instructive in a less comfortable way. Both demonstrate that conflicts of profound moral and historical complexity can be reframed, “resolved” or at least diplomatically re-cast, not because the underlying injustices have been remedied, but because the strategic calculus of influential actors has shifted.

The Armenian–Azerbaijani settlement shows how swiftly new realities can be sanctified when they align with the interests of those who possess the means to enforce them. The Palestinian recognitions reveal how entrenched orthodoxies, sustained for decades by a mixture of inertia and rhetorical solidarity, can dissolve with surprising speed when political expediency dictates. In both cases, the moral weight of the issue did not diminish; it was simply overtaken by other imperatives.

For Cyprus, still cleft in two after more than fifty years, these developments are not distant curiosities. They are warnings, written in the new grammar of global diplomacy. For decades, Cyprus has rested, in part, upon the assumption that the injustice of its occupation, perpetuated by force in defiance of UN resolutions, would remain a fixture of international concern until rectified. That assumption is increasingly precarious. In a world where peace is brokered in weeks for the sake of securing transit routes, and where recognition can be bestowed or withheld according to the needs of shifting alliances, there is a genuine danger that the Cypriot question could be quietly redefined as an issue of stability management rather than one of decolonisation and restoration of sovereignty.

The vulnerabilities of Cyprus in this evolving landscape are numerous and mutually reinforcing. First, there is geostrategic marginalisation. The Zangezur Corridor serves as a tangible manifestation of Ankara’s long-standing vision of a contiguous Turkic world stretching from the Bosporus to the steppes of Central Asia. Even though the corridor is formally under American stewardship, it represents an ideological and infrastructural victory for Turkey, which for decades has sought to consolidate its position as a linchpin of Eurasian connectivity.

Cyprus, situated at the maritime crossroads of Europe, Asia, and Africa, lies in a zone that Turkey has already woven into its strategic calculations, through energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean, military posturing, and maritime boundary assertions that disregard Cypriot and Greek claims. The success of Ankara’s regional ambitions elsewhere strengthens its hand in shaping perceptions of Cyprus, both in Washington and in other capitals.

Second, there is the erosion of international attention. Global conflicts compete for limited diplomatic capital. The accelerated settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan, coupled with the sudden momentum on Palestinian recognition, demonstrates that the bandwidth of the international system is finite. When new crises erupt, whether in the Taiwan Strait, the Sahel, or the South China Sea, diplomatic attention shifts accordingly. The Cyprus issue, frozen and familiar, risks being deprioritised, its urgency blunted by the perception that it is a “managed” conflict whose parameters are unlikely to change.

Third, there is the precedent of transactional diplomacy. The 2025 peace deal was not a triumph of moral persuasion. It was a trade, calibrated to serve the interests of the signatories and their sponsors. By the same token, the recognitions of Palestine were not born solely of principle; they were also a means of signalling alignment within a shifting global order. This approach, when normalised, presents a clear danger to Cyprus. It implies that if the strategic advantage of normalising the Turkish occupation and its regime in the north outweighs the costs of supporting the territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, the moral argument will be overridden. A resolution could then be imposed that enshrines division rather than heals it.

Fourth, there is the challenge of allied reliability. Cyprus’s security and diplomatic posture has historically relied upon its membership of the European Union, its partnerships within the Commonwealth, and its relationships with regional actors such as Greece, Egypt, and Israel. Yet these alignments are not immutable. If the United States can recalibrate its position in the South Caucasus, and if the European Union can fracture over its stance on Palestine, then it is not inconceivable that positions on Cyprus could shift under the pressure of new trade routes, energy partnerships, or security arrangements in which Turkey plays a central role.

History offers analogies that Cyprus should not ignore. In 1974, the island’s plight was overshadowed by the Cold War détente and the preoccupations of the United States and NATO, which prioritised retaining Turkey within the Western security architecture over upholding Cypriot sovereignty. In 1990–91, as the Gulf War drew global attention and Turkey emerged as a vital staging ground, its leverage increased, and Cypriot appeals for renewed pressure on Ankara met with polite deferral. Even in the 2004 Annan Plan referendum, the framing of the issue by many external actors was less about justice for Cyprus and more about aligning the island with the timetable of European Union expansion. Each moment reveals the same pattern: when the strategic interests of the powerful are engaged elsewhere, the Cypriot cause becomes a negotiable variable.

Here, Turkey’s current strategy is both clear and consistent. It positions itself as indispensable to multiple actors; Russia, the United States, the European Union, and China, by offering transit, mediation, and access. In doing so, Ankara reduces the incentive for any of these actors to take a firm line against it on Cyprus. The more embedded Turkey becomes in the economic and security frameworks of the great powers, the less willing those powers will be to expend political capital on confronting it over a dispute they view as peripheral to their core interests.

For Cyprus, the lesson is stark. Moral arguments, while essential, cannot stand alone. The defence of sovereignty requires the creation of tangible value within the strategic calculations of the powers that shape outcomes. Cyprus must ensure it is seen as more than a petitioner for justice. It must become a participant whose contribution to regional stability, connectivity, and security is indispensable. This entails building coalitions not only with those who share its values, but also with those who can benefit materially from its partnership.

Practical steps exist. Cyprus can strengthen its role as a hub for humanitarian operations, as demonstrated by the Amalthea corridor, positioning itself as a reliable facilitator in times of regional crisis. It can invest in infrastructure that ties it into the energy and transport grids of Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa in ways that make its stability a shared interest. It can deepen trilateral and multilateral security arrangements that ensure its ports, airspace, and intelligence networks become integral to the defence architectures of larger alliances.

The events of 2025 should serve as a spur to action. The Zangezur Corridor and the recognitions of Palestine are not isolated episodes; they are symptoms of a broader shift toward a diplomacy of swift deals, pragmatic alignments, and strategic trades. In such an environment, those who do not actively shape the agenda risk finding that the agenda has been shaped against them.

The fate of Cyprus will not be determined solely by the justice of its cause, but by the degree to which it can anchor itself within the frameworks that now determine the fortunes of states. History is littered with causes that once commanded passionate advocacy only to be left to languish when the great powers moved on. In 1959, the London–Zurich Agreements created the Republic of Cyprus in name, yet their provisions were devised in London and Zurich by Britain, Greece, and Turkey, without the Cypriot people seated at the table. The constitution and security architecture that emerged were shaped to serve the balance of interests among the guarantor powers, embedding structural fragilities that would later be exploited. The challenge for Cypriot statecraft is to ensure that such a silence is never repeated.

In an age when the treaties of others can redraw maps in weeks, when recognitions can cascade across capitals with little warning, and when the machinery of global diplomacy is driven as much by corridors and pipelines as by charters and resolutions, Cyprus must act with urgency and imagination. The ink of the 2025 peace deal is barely dry, yet its implications already ripple outward. If Cyprus does not wish to wake one morning to find its own page left blank in the ledger of nations, it must speak, act, and align with the force of those determined to write history rather than be written by it.

Cyprus: Historical and political responsibilities of a national tragedy (Part 4)

The rejection by referendum on 24 April 2004 of the settlement plan of the UN by the Greek Cypriots had negatively influenced the international organisations and services, expressing their disappointment.

Three days after the referendums, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Australia, Alexander Downer, issued an urgent press release expressing the disappointment of Australia and “the appreciation of Australia for the extensive efforts undertaken by the Secretary-General of the UN for the finding of a solution to the dispute.”

However, the diplomatic setback and the deadlock which followed the rejection of the Plan of the United Nations by the Greek Cypriot community was counterbalanced partly by the entry of Cyprus into the EU and the examination of its Foreign Ministers to ensure that all Cypriots could benefit from the economic, political benefits and the benefits of security which the accession to the EU provided.

The reaction of Turkey, awaiting its reasonable accession to the EU, was rather cautious, trying to promote a cooperative image and admitting its commitment “to continue the comprehensive reforms which must be undertaken for the further strengthening of democracy.”

Despite the political numbness that the referendums had caused in Canberra, FECCA successfully intensified its efforts to persuade the government of John Howard of Australia to maintain the position of the Special Envoy of Australia, Jim Short, as well as the Australian Federal Police (AFP) and the presence of UNFICYP in Cyprus.

Panicos Minas in his letters to the Australian Minister of Foreign Affairs, A. Downer (22 November 2004) and to the Australian senators (18 November 2004), advocated in favour of Jim Short, “who is very well informed about the Cyprus issue” and maintains “excellent relations with the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot community.”

Meanwhile, Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot leaders in Melbourne, the capital of the state with the greatest concentration of Cypriots, continued their contacts for rapprochement, which were becoming over time more numerous and more widely accepted. The idea of a reunited Cyprus remained strongly patriotic among them and tended to provoke the critical zeal of both the older and the younger members, including those who had no experience of a united Cyprus. Important also was the moral and political support of those who had overcome the difficult period of the communal disturbances (1962–1964), as they could exercise deep influence.

Erdil Nami, former policeman in the Republic of Cyprus, in 1964 was arrested and detained by militant Turkish insurgents in Nicosia because he refused to act “patriotically.” He was released by the Cypriot forces and offered protection and a safe harbour first in Germany and later in Sydney of Australia. His grandson, Erdin Nami, in recent years, was elected Turkish Cypriot negotiator and president of the Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Commerce and played a key role in the discussions for rapprochement.

During this period, those Turkish Cypriot leaders who committed to rapprochement included Tümer Mimi, the daughter of Nitel Mimi, Ali Genc and his brother Kubilay Genc, Aygan Ozkan, Yalcin Adal, Niyazi Okten, Halil Adal, Yuksel Adal, the brothers Ismail and Zac Ulusoy, Erdil Nami, while several other politicians, including the MP Natalie Suleiman and Sam Davet, declared an understanding for a united Cyprus. With equality and justice for all.

The organised leaders of FECCA and its president P. Minas had found common ground with the Turkish Cypriot leaders on issues of peaceful coexistence and cooperation. Thus, when at the beginning of November 2005 it was announced by the Turkish MP Egemen Bagis that Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan planned an official visit to Australia in December 2005, the members of the rapprochement group acted with caution and mutual respect. Understanding and common sense found their way in their discussions and consultations.

According to Bagis, “part of the political agenda of [Erdoğan] is to request measures from the Australian government for the termination of the so-called ‘isolation of the Turkish Cypriots,’ including the invitation to the Turkish Cypriot leader and so-called ‘president of the TRNC,’ Mehmet Ali Talat to visit Australia.”

Minas and FECCA in response brought the issue to the Australian Prime Minister, informing his office that the so-called “isolation of the Turkish Cypriots” was nothing other than a self-imposed political tool from Turkey for the promotion of a separate state entity in the occupied northern part of Cyprus. Nevertheless, Turkish Cypriot entities residing in the diaspora, including Australia, continued their series of rapprochements for a reunited Cyprus that convened at the Conference of Istanbul on 27–29 December 2006. They met at the Richmond Hotel in Istanbul “to launch a new dialogue away from the negative atmosphere prevailing in Cyprus and to discuss the immediate steps that must be taken with the aim of the solution.”

The ideological differences between those who supported Union and those of an Independent Cyprus maintained their momentum in Australia, but with weakened intensity, after the second decade of the twenty-first century. While the reunification of Cyprus had dominated the processes and the assemblies of the community leaders, the applied terms and preconditions for an acceptable solution proposed by the leaders of the international organisations, including the United Nations and the EU, were met with certain disagreements.

Greek and Cypriot officials and academics mingled and discussed with the leaders of the community. Usually, every proposed plan ended in catastrophe. In several cases, including the Annan Plan, nationalism was successfully imposed upon the Greek Cypriots due to the political dispute that characterised the internal affairs of the Republic. This nationalism was based on maximalist aspirations, which were also cultivated largely due to the accession of Cyprus into the EU and the hostility of the Turks.

The refusal of the overwhelming majority of the Greek Cypriots to accept the Annan Plan in 2004, undoubtedly preserved internationally the universal recognition of its sovereignty over a unified Republic of Cyprus to its benefit, with its unilateral representation internationally and its exclusive global recognition as Republic of Cyprus. It also ensured its status quo, after more than twenty years as a member of the European Union, representing exclusively all its citizens, regardless of race or religion, without providing benefits or special treatment to the Turkish Cypriots of the occupied areas. Exploiting the close Turkocentric policy of Ankara in the occupied areas, as de facto ideologically and politically, the Republic of Cyprus succeeded in the promotion of the reunification of the island as a single, bizonal and federal state structure, in full compliance with the principles of the UN, the European Union and the whole international community.

During the period after Annan, the Cypriots cultivated and reinforced almost exclusively the dialogue with the Turkish Cypriots in Istanbul, London, Nicosia and in the host countries of Cypriot migrants, for the reunification of the island. The Greek Cypriots have organised and realised jointly with the Turkish Cypriots, conferences, musical and sporting contests that encouraged or supported the reunification of the island. However, despite the fact that for decades there has been no intercommunal violence on the island, at least 30,000 Turkish troops remain in the occupied areas, a fact which raises serious concerns for the security of both communities.

Analysing and evaluating the above data, I will conclude in the conclusion that Turkey will no longer be willing to accept a balanced and compromising solution, which would secure the equal treatment of the Turkish Cypriots and their peaceful and harmonious coexistence within a unified federal state structure. Perhaps the Turkish Prime Minister, Mustafa Bülent Ecevit, Kurd by origin, scholar, poet and writer, did not seek such a solution when he took the decision to invade Cyprus 50 years ago. I believe that the goal of Turkey was always to occupy and to detach territories of Cyprus for strategic reasons and to increase its sovereignty.

Reinforcing the goal of annexation of these Cypriot territories, followed the transplantation of thousands of settlers of Anatolia, transforming them into province of Turkey, obviously regardless of whether the Turkish Cypriots who for centuries lived together and experienced the common fate with their Greek Cypriot compatriots, would become finally victims of a colonisation of Anatolia, which deprived them of their right to have a homeland of their own. Most of them will transmit with increasing anguish to their descendants, who dwell in the occupied territories as well as in the diaspora as migrants and refugees, that the invasion of Turkey in Cyprus finally enslaved those whom it was called to liberate.

Vamvakou: A mountain village reborn in Greece’s Laconia

0

Once nearly abandoned, the mountain village of Vamvakou in Laconia has transformed into a vibrant community blending tradition and innovation. Located on the slopes of Mount Parnon, Vamvakou was once home to thriving farms. But by 2019, only nine residents remained, according to islands.com.

That changed with the Vamvakou Revival, a project launched in 2018 by five friends with village roots, supported by a grant from the Stavros Niarchos Foundation (SNF). Their vision turned Vamvakou into a sustainable, creative hub rooted in local identity.

Traditional stone houses have been restored into warm guesthouses like Ruga of Vamvakou and Magnolia. The village eatery, Parnonas, serves as a local gathering spot. Cultural events, sports, art, and hands-on workshops breathe new life into the village, creating a strong sense of community.

Now with over 30 residents and its first births in decades, Vamvakou is growing once more. Local businesses and artisans are supported through the Parnon Poèma initiative, which promotes sustainable products like honey, nuts, olive oil, and handmade pastries.

Annual events like the Vamvakou Experience Festival, the Mountain Run, and weekend concerts draw visitors seeking authentic experiences. Vamvakou has become a model for rural renewal, with support for startups in tourism, agriculture, culture, and tech.

Nature lovers can explore the nearby cave monastery of Agia Kyriaki, a historic refuge steeped in legend. Just beyond lies Karytaina, another charming stone hamlet perfect for slow travel.

Vamvakou is about a 2.5-hour drive from Athens International Airport – best accessed by rental car or private shuttle. Whether you’re seeking nature, history, or community, Vamvakou offers a rare mix of serenity and purpose – a shining example of Greece’s rural revival.

Source: islands.com

Athens ranks among top cities for remote work and vacation

0

Athens has secured 12th place in the 2025 “Work from Anywhere Barometer” by the International Workplace Group (IWG), which ranks global cities ideal for blending remote work and leisure. Now in its third year, the index evaluates 40 cities on criteria like broadband speed, co-working spaces, safety, affordability, and access to nature, tovima.com, has reported.

Tokyo topped the list, followed by Rio de Janeiro and Budapest. Athens stood out for its Mediterranean charm, cultural richness, affordability, and expanding infrastructure for remote workers.

The rise of hybrid work is fueling the trend of “workations.” IWG reports that 60% of remote workers are more likely to extend vacations to work from other locations-up significantly from last year.

Athens is increasingly appealing to digital nomads thanks to its vibrant lifestyle, warm climate, and access to beaches, islands, and mountains. It’s also becoming more connected, with growing numbers of flexible workspaces and reliable internet.

While not in the top 10 yet, Athens outperformed many major cities, signaling its growing status as a work-from-anywhere hub. Other notable cities include Seoul (4th), praised for tech and visa policies, and Rome (8th), benefiting from Italy’s new digital nomad visa.

Despite this shift, global labor mobility has slowed. Job platform Indeed found that interest in international work has dropped to pre-pandemic levels. A Randstad survey of 5,000 workers revealed many now prioritize job security and flexible hours over location independence.

IWG CEO Mark Dixon says the trend is here to stay: “More businesses are adopting policies to support work-from-anywhere-especially during the summer months.”

Source: tovima.com

Sponge park in Trikala offers a vision for a greener Europe

0

Greece’s first “sponge park” has taken shape in Trikala, Thessaly, offering a practical model for climate resilience rooted in nature, according to tovima.com. Located along the Agiamoniotis River, the two-hectare site transforms a section of the riverfront into a living lab of environmental solutions.

This innovative park is part of a wider European initiative aimed at demonstrating how nature-based interventions can outperform technology alone in addressing climate challenges.

The core idea is simple yet powerful: hold water where it falls, reduce surface runoff, recharge groundwater, and protect the soil-mimicking the behavior of healthy ecosystems like forests and wetlands.

To achieve this, the park employs a blend of tested techniques, including buffer zones, water-harvesting systems, retention fences, soil cover strategies, riparian tree planting, and low-till farming. These methods are adapted from successful examples across Europe and tailored to the local environment in Trikala.

Visitors can explore the installations firsthand, gaining insight into how they function and contribute to sustainability. Beyond being a green space, the park acts as a hub for research, education, and public engagement.

With the involvement of 28 European partners, the project aims to show that nature-based solutions are scalable and effective. Sponge infrastructure can help manage flooding, restore degraded river basins, and combat drought and soil erosion-key concerns across the continent.

Trikala’s sponge park is more than a local innovation; it’s a template for how cities across Europe can embrace green infrastructure to build a more resilient future.

Source: tovima.com

Dressing Mediterranean diasporas: From pompom shoes to ‘fully sick’ wog wear

Diasporas and fashion share intimate histories. This presentation examines the dynamics of self-representation that are central to where and how members of diasporas from the Mediterranean region situate themselves in multicultural Australia.

Through an exploration of attachments to and performances in folkloric dress (like Greek pompom shoes/tsarouch and Cypriot baggy cotton trousers/vraka), alongside the contribution of migrant tailoring traditions and the phenomenon of younger members of Mediterranean diasporas showing allegiances to specific brands in their street fashion (think Kappa and Adidas tracksuits), this presentation explores how changing attitudes to fashion reveal shifts in diasporic cultural codes.

By exploring a range of distinctive diasporic fashion aesthetics, Dr Andonis Piperoglou will argue that dress has functioned as a technology of diasporic selfhood while also facilitating distinctive Mediterranean-Australian style narratives.

By taking seriously the interrelated materialities and memories of dressing Mediterranean diasporas, this opens conversation about what a fashion-focused history of diasporic selves, social relations and sensibilities might look like. 

BIO

Dr Andonis Piperoglou is the inaugural Hellenic Senior Lecturer of Global Diasporas at the University of Melbourne. Andonis is a specialist in migration and ethnic history and has published extensively on Greek migration to Australia. He works on historical connections between colonialism, racism, and migration, as well as human movements between the Mediterranean and the Pacific.

In the School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, Andonis teaches subjects on migration, diaspora, multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, and globalisation. Currently, Andonis is the Vice President of the International Australian Studies Association.

Event Details:

  • When: Thursday 21 August 2025, 7pm
  • Speaker: Dr Andonis Piperoglou
  • Seminar: Dressing Mediterranean Diasporas: from pompom shoes to “fully sick” wog wear
  • Where: The Greek Centre (Mezzanine, 168 Lonsdale St, Melbourne)
  • Language: English
  • Sponsors: Greek Australian Society (GAS), Ithacan Philanthropic Society

Niki Louca shares her traditional recipe for Karidopita (walnut cake)

Niki Louca from My Greek Kitchen shares her favourite recipe for Karidopita (walnut cake) with The Greek Herald. You can follow her on Instagram @mygreekkitchen for more!

Ingredients:

  • 1 cup walnuts – roasted in the oven for 6-7 minutes and coarsely chopped
  • 1 cup plain cake flour
  • ¾ tsp baking soda
  • ¼ tsp baking powder
  • 1 tsp. ground cinnamon
  • ½  tsp. ground cloves
  • 1 cup sugar
  • ½ cup olive oil
  • 6 eggs
  • ¾ cup Greek yoghurt
  • Zest of half an orange
  • 1 tbsp brandy or cognac (optional)

For the syrup:

  • 1 cups sugar
  • 1 cup water
  • 1 small piece cinnamon stick
  • 3-4 cloves
  • 1 piece orange rind

Method:

  1. Prepare the syrup – combine all the ingredients and place in a medium size pot.  Bring to boil and simmer for 5 minutes.  Remove from heat and allow to cool completely.  Set aside.
  2. Preheat your oven to 170C fan force.  Grease and flour a 24cm round tin or a 30 x 18cm rectangle tin (lamington tin).  Set aside.
  3. In a small bowl, sift the flour, baking soda, baking powder, cinnamon and ground cloves.  Using a fork, whisk the ingredients together.  Set aside.
  4. Using hand held mixer, beat the oil and sugar together, then add the eggs (one at a time), yoghurt, brandy, and orange zest till well combined.  Add your flour mixture and beat until just mixed and no flour is visible.  Stir through the walnuts until evenly combined.
  1. Pour into your pre greased tin and bake for 35 -40 minutes, or until rich golden colour and a skewer comes out clean.
  2. Using your skewer prick the cake throughout and pour your cold syrup, making sure you cover the entire surface area.  The syrup will seep through the holes making the cake even more moist.  Let cake cool in the tin and cut into your desired shape – I like the diamond cut.  Decorate with more walnuts.

Niki Louca runs cooking classes in Melbourne. For more or to book classes visit My Greek Kitchen at www.mygreekkitchen.com.au or Instagram @mygreekkitchen. You can email Niki at: niki@mygreekkitchen.com.au.

Paros named world’s best island for 2025

The Greek island of Paros has been awarded the title of Best Island in the World for 2025 by Travel + Leisure, one of the world’s most respected travel publications.

The distinction was announced through the magazine’s annual World’s Best Awards, which are based entirely on reader feedback, tovima.com, has reported.

Paros made a significant leap this year, rising from 24th place in 2024 to first, with an impressive score of 96.50. Readers were drawn to the island’s traditional villages, culinary richness, welcoming atmosphere, and the variety of experiences it offers—from pristine beaches and cultural paths to vibrant nightlife and authentic local flavor.

According to the Municipality of Paros, the award reflects what today’s travelers are looking for: authenticity, quality, and a strong local identity. The island’s recognition also marks a broader trend in global tourism toward destinations that remain true to their character while offering rich, immersive experiences.

Greece performed strongly overall in the 2025 World’s Best Awards. Crete ranked 11th globally and 6th in Europe, Milos 16th worldwide and 7th in Europe, while Santorini and Mykonos also featured among Europe’s top 15 islands, in 13th and 15th place respectively. The capital, Athens, placed 14th among European cities with a score of 86.69, noted for its deep history and cultural vibrancy.

Paros’s rise signals not only the island’s growing popularity but also Greece’s increasing appeal as a leading travel destination. The win positions Paros not just as a beloved escape but as a benchmark for global island tourism.

Source: tovima.com

Australia and Greece mark Dormition of the Theotokos with worship and celebration

The Dormition of the Theotokos, one of the most significant feasts in the Orthodox calendar, was marked on Friday, August 15, by Orthodox Christians across Australia and Greece.

In Australia, faithful attended Divine Liturgy at Greek Orthodox churches nationwide, lighting candles, venerating icons of the Virgin Mary, and offering prayers of thanksgiving and petition.

His Eminence Archbishop Makarios of Australis was in Melbourne for the Feast and presided over a Divine Liturgy at the Church of the Dormition of the Theotokos in North Altona.

The day, often referred to as the “Summer Easter” in Greece, is equally revered among the Greek diaspora.

15August2025-141
His Eminence Archbishop Makarios of Australis was in Melbourne for the Feast.

In Greece, worshippers also filled churches, before many joined paniyiria – village festivals featuring music, dance, and shared meals – to celebrate the religious and cultural significance of the day.

The feast coincides with the peak of the Greek holiday season, with ferries from Piraeus, Rafina, and Lavrio operating at near full capacity to the islands.

From the Holy Monastery of Agios Ioannis Prodromos in Korakies, Chania, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis delivered a message of unity and optimism, dedicating the day to those “who fight every day to keep us safe” — including armed forces personnel, firefighters, and volunteers battling the climate crisis.

“We face great difficulties,” he said, “but with self-confidence and the strength we draw from our devotion to the Virgin Mary, we can overcome them and move forward.”